Modern Ukrainian women are breaking all the old stereotypes about what women can do: they fight in the armed forces, educate children, raise funding for the army, support those on the front line and at the rear, and live and die for the future of their country. Despite all the feats they accomplish, Ukrainian women still face societal prejudice.
The Ukrainian Women Veteran Movement (UWVM), or VETERANKA, works to show society the true image of women in Ukraine's military and veteran community. Here's how they do it.
"We once made a film about women who died in battle before 2022 as part of an advocacy campaign," says Kateryna Pryimak, a veteran and co-founder of the VETERANKA movement. "One of our posts [promoting the film] was about a fallen soldier named Olesia Baklanova. In 2014, when the war began, she lived in a village in the [eastern] Luhansk region, volunteered at a school, and made camouflage nets. When she turned 18, Olesia joined the army and did well. Unfortunately, a sniper killed her in 2018."
One of the comments below the post about Olesia caught Kateryna's eye:
"Someone commented, 'It doesn't matter that she was a girl — still a hero.' At first, I was a bit upset and outraged, but then I thought maybe it was a small victory because it broke someone's stereotypical view."
Female soldiers are still seen as exceptions rather than the norm in the Ukrainian military. Often, those who do make it into the arm face not only societal misunderstanding and disapproval but also a lack of basic supplies. For example, it wasn't until 2023 that Ukraine's Ministry of Defense approved a standard summer field uniform for women.
However, women didn't emerge in the Ukrainian army just yesterday or even with the start of Russia's full-scale war in 2022. Almost 50,000 women worked in the military in various positions and ranks in 2014 (16,500 serving). By January 2024, according to the Ministry of Defense, this number had grown to nearly 67,000, with 46,000 serving and 4,000 fighting on the front line. Also, 6,500 women hold leadership positions in the Ukrainian Armed Forces. These numbers are increasing each year despite ongoing challenges.
"It's still not perfect because we only have summer uniforms, not winter ones," says VETERANKA co-founder Kateryna Pryimak. "Still, servicewomen are issued women's underwear instead of men's. This isn't a top priority because soldiers only get two pairs of underwear a year, so everyone still wears their own, but it's symbolic: Do you see women's needs in service? Do you respect that they are still women?"
The lack of uniforms, hygienic supplies, and state regulations are symptoms of a deeper problem — the undervaluation of women's roles, skills, aspirations, and achievements.
This is a problem and a challenge: female soldiers often aren't seen as professionals and have to constantly prove their worth and fight for respect. After their service, as veterans, they face misunderstandings and difficulties in civilian life.
"Veteran policy in Ukraine is still governed by a 1993 law copied from the Soviet era, designed for World War II veterans," says Olha Halchenko, a representative of the International Renaissance Foundation, which supports projects and organizations created by or for veterans. "It doesn't match modern realities and needs. For example, one of its provisions provides for the free installation of a radio point in an apartment as a bonus for veterans."
Addressing the needs of women in the military and veteran policies involves many factors, extending beyond just the women and the army. It includes launching effective information campaigns to teach society to respect those who protect it, not ignoring sexual violence and punishing the perpetrators instead of the victims, and raising children to be conscious citizens. Will Ukraine be able to do all those things?
"Gender equality isn't our ultimate goal; it's a marker of how developed a community is," says Kateryna, VETERANKA co-founder.
A country that benefits from the contributions of all its population segments succeeds in every way. Understanding the need to involve as many people as possible, Ukrainian activists and organizations are coming together to push for change by developing new laws, shaping public opinion, and helping those in need.
For years, VETERANKA has helped Ukrainian women feel confident in their service, developed concepts for veteran protection, and assisted service members' families. Among many projects, the team is launching the Plan B Center of Strength project, supported by the European Union through the International Renaissance Foundation. This project has two parts: studying grief and loss and creating a space for the recovery of veterans and their families.
The foundation's Olha Halchenko adds that the EU and the International Renaissance Foundation have supported veteran initiatives since 2014. Initially, these were isolated projects supporting veteran businesses or social initiatives. Now, it's a systematic effort:
"Since 2019, we've been working more systematically on veteran issues. By then, it was clear that half a million people had specific needs and demands regarding health, recovery, and employment," says Olha.
The EU helps veterans and their families in various ways: involving them in the public sector, developing new skills, helping them start businesses, and providing rehabilitation and psychological support. For instance, in 2024, the EU and its partners held a contest to support veteran initiatives called "Hold the Line!" Twenty-three organizations won: twelve were supported under the European Renaissance of Ukraine initiative, and eleven were financed from the foundation's fund.
In May, one such initiative, the Ukrainian Army Veterans Rehabilitation Space "Blockpost," opened in Zaporizhzhia, the southeastern Ukrainian city 35 km from the front line. Here, military personnel and their families can receive psychological help, sports rehabilitation, and legal and business consultations.
In June, the third National Dialogue Communities for Veterans, a forum supported by EU funding, took place in the west-central city of Vinnytsia. In Kyiv, representatives of Veteran Development Centers gathered for a networking meeting under Ukraine's Ministry of Veterans Affairs in partnership with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and with EU financial support through the EU4Recovery—Empowering Communities in Ukraine project. The participants reiterated the importance of supporting veterans.
"Together with our international and national partners, we are working hard to create favorable conditions in communities so that Ukrainian veterans feel no barriers when returning to civilian life," said Stefan Schleuning, Head of Cooperation at the EU Delegation in Ukraine, during the event in Kyiv.
In 2014, Kateryna Pryimak fought in combat with the Hospitallers volunteer medical battalion, so she knows firsthand what the Ukrainian army was like back then and the changes it has undergone since.
She explains, "The army is constantly updating. One of the biggest achievements is overcoming educational barriers for women in higher officer ranks and for female cadets. Since 2019, girls can study in military academies so they can dream of and plan a career in the armed forces. There's also the newly adopted option for either parent to take parental leave if both serve in the army."
This progress took years of systematic work, long-term strategy building, communication with ministries, and consistent publicizing of the issue.
Another significant achievement for activists was lifting the ban on almost all combat positions for women. Four years after the war began, women were officially allowed to hold positions like shooters, snipers, drivers, and scouts. However, they had already been performing these roles unofficially, listed in documents as clerks, cooks, and medics.
For example, the military ID of Andriana Arekhta, a veteran and leader of the VETERANKA movement, who served as an assault soldier since 2014, says her position was "seamstress." She even received a medal "for courage" as a seamstress.
In 2015, female soldiers concerned about women's needs in the military decided to unite to advocate for their rights. This led to the founding of the Invisible Battalion campaign, some of whose members later co-founded the Ukrainian Women's Veteran Movement.
"The 'Invisible Battalion' aimed not only to create a community to fight for their rights. It was about more than just knocking on doors of ministry offices and institutions. We had to work meticulously with the media: telling women's stories because no one was telling them, as a woman's story was seen as an exception," says Kateryna.
The campaign's goal was to make the image of female soldiers visible and normalize it in society. Besides stereotypes about women's inability to fight, the team often encountered civilian unwillingness to accept this image.
"One of the toughest issues is motherhood. Women with children have their views on caring for them," says VETERANKA co-founder. "Some think care is about meeting needs on time, while others believe physical safety is more crucial. Society often condemns mothers who go to the front, which significantly affects their mental state."
Kateryna continues, "We all need support, and it's tough for women to say goodbye to their children, hug them, and leave without knowing if they'll see them again. But instead of empathy and understanding, society often isn't even ready to support your child while you're away. Moreover, women serving alongside men often face judgment from the soldiers' wives."
In 2019, a group of veteran activists registered the Ukrainian Women Veteran Movement to change society's attitude toward female soldiers, fight for women's rights in the army, and help veterans integrate into civilian life.
One of the nonprofit's initiatives is the VETERANKA charity fund, which supports women soldiers and their military units during the full-scale war. During this time, the team:
The movement also continues to supply Ukrainian soldiers with vehicles, ammunition, gear, and necessary equipment.
Part of Ukrainian society has difficulty accepting the topic of gender equality, which evokes many emotions ranging from outrage to ridicule. Opponents argue that the struggle for women's rights in Ukraine is no longer relevant.
"Our society has double standards: they say women should serve equally with men, but at the same time, they say women should not be on the front lines," says Kateryna Pryimak.
Despite all objections, women are present in almost every field. The question is whether we provide them equal rights and opportunities to perform their roles effectively.
"Women leaders have well-developed emotional intelligence and soft skills, which the army lacks," says the VETERANKA co-founder. "However, women often fear taking on leadership roles, even when offered, because they face resistance. In the army, the situation is such that due to the ban on demobilization, the country's mobilization potential has decreased. Currently, those women who initially wanted to join the military but were turned away are the primary target group left for recruitment."
Kateryna adds that a gender-sensitive approach is not just about gender but also about inclusion, considering the needs of various population groups: women, men, people with disabilities, city or rural residents, with or without children, etc. Women's rights issues are not just about women — they are a prevalent topic in any discussion about human rights in general.
The military often faces inappropriate questions from civilians. Questions ranging from "How many people did you kill?" to "How could you leave your child?" equally hurt, trigger painful memories, and devalue their experiences. Wives of veterans have reported being blamed for their husbands' deaths with questions like, "How could you let him go?" Misunderstanding or rejecting others' experiences and emotions, combined with an inability to communicate and blaming each other instead of the enemy, widens the gap between the Ukrainian people.
"Preparing to meet veterans in civilian life means more than just avoiding stupid questions. It includes building ramps, asking your serving employees what they need, not bribing, and not littering. Every stage should have the infrastructure to meet soldiers' needs. Veterans should have choices. They lose themselves, their friends, and the best years of their lives.
"If we do not become a healthy, inclusive society where people can develop and work for the good of Ukraine, then all efforts are in vain," says Kateryna.
Olha Halchenko from the International Renaissance Foundation adds: "Veterans will need attention, support, and development. They will impact the country, have their voice and influence, and drive change in their communities and at the national level. These are people with demands for justice and change."
When the war ends, the Ministry of Veterans Affairs expects the number of veterans to increase to 5-6 million people. Ukrainian society will have a significant share of individuals with combat experience returning to civilian life, so the issue of veterans' reintegration concerns not only them or their families but the entire society.
"All of society must prepare for the return of veterans," says Kateryna Pryimak.
The Plan B Center of Strength focuses on integrating veterans into civilian life and helping them and their families recover. The project consists of two components. The first is a comprehensive research on grief and loss, targeting the audience of Ukrainian soldiers' relatives, friends, colleagues, and comrades.
Project leader Tetiana Borys explains that the Ukrainian Women Veteran Movement has long worked with loss, creating various initiatives with the key goal of preserving memory. "In the project, we pay much attention to commemoration. Much of it is based on memory. It is the memory of people and their heroism that helps us cope with loss," Kateryna adds.
The research at the Plan B Center of Strength aims to highlight the problems faced by those close to the deceased and show gaps in legislation and communication with the families of the fallen soldiers.
"Everything starts with notification when we learn that we have lost our loved one, followed by the communication with military bases, which is also filled with various bureaucratic hurdles," says Tetiana, the project's leader. "Another issue is the working capacity of a person experiencing loss. They cannot simply return to work and function as if nothing happened. They need to put in twice as much effort to do the same daily tasks they used to do."
After conducting in-depth interviews and working with specialists, the team plans to launch their expertise and prepare grief management guides containing all helpful information. These guides are relevant for those who feel lost and need help figuring out what to do next. People interested in sharing their experience of coping with loss and specialists working with the families of the deceased are invited to participate in the interviews.
The project's second component is a space of opportunities where visitors can receive support and services from a psychologist or lawyer and find like-minded individuals. Tetiana says the center plans to hold webinars with psychologists and share expert materials prepared during the research. The VETERANKA movement also collaborates with several partners who have provided the team with the means to offer services to everyone who has contacted them for many years.
"Essentially, this space serves as a close-knit community where veterans and their families can find support, be heard, and receive assistance," comments Olha, the Renaissance Foundation spokesperson.
Ukrainian society needs to learn to remember those who built their future at the cost of their lives. Tetiana says Ukrainians should never pretend that this loss did not happen but express sympathy and care. They must also understand that memory is the path to a better future.
Olha Halchenko adds, "We remember not so much for ourselves but for future generations — to make them understand the broader perspective, so the memory remains even when we are gone. Then we have a better chance that the experiences we did not want to happen to us will not be repeated."
To scale their work and exchange experiences and achievements, the VETERANKA activists unite with other human rights organizations that care for military personnel and veterans, such as PRYNCYP Human Rights Center, the Legal Hundred rights protection organization, NGO Prostir Mozhlivostey (Space of Opportunities), and Veteran Hub, and cooperate with the government, lawmakers, and donors. By moving in the same direction, nonprofits and their partners can achieve their goals faster.
VETERANKA works with the Ministry of Veterans Affairs, providing expertise and jointly drafting legislative changes with lawyers. However, according to the movement's co-founder, Kateryna, the problem with ministries is the need for a unified vision and understanding of how veteran policy should be executed.
Olha from the Renaissance Foundation adds that government institutions and public organizations are currently debating the necessity of a new veteran policy, with VETERANKA being one of its co-authors alongside four other organizations. However, these processes are intricate and progress more slowly than desired.
With ongoing efforts to improve the situation of veterans in Ukraine, the movement needs more people and knowledge. Kateryna stresses, "We need more hands, or rather heads, who understand how the state works, can analyze legislation, and promote our initiatives. We continue our work, but we need more resources."
One key strategy for integrating veterans is to enhance their social roles and create meaningful employment opportunities. For example, VETERANKA provides comprehensive support for servicewomen starting from the moment of injury and continuing throughout their integration process. The team hires a career consultant who, even in the hospital, finds out which direction the veteran wants to move in. Partners allow veterans to take introductory educational courses and form a vision for the future.
The team wants such support to be provided at the government level before demobilization, where ministries or social workers present veterans with various opportunities and offers from educational institutions, employers, or employment centers and then support them in education or employment.
"The best way to return to a peaceful life is to study and find a good job. Only work and a successful search for oneself in a peaceful life — a new self-awareness when you see that you benefit yourself as an individual and the country — are the keys to returning. I want girls to study to be painters, tile setters, and truck drivers. This means they will be in demand in the labor market," Kateryna, the VETERANKA activist, believes.
To get support or consultation, a servicewoman should contact the organization on social media (Instagram or Facebook) or fill out a form on the website and wait for a response to her request.
Kateryna Pryimak says she's always pleased to receive news from girls who joined the service thanks to the changes the team has been working on for a long time.
"We receive a lot of warmth and gratitude from our sisters. In some cases, girls start helping each other without us because we are already a community, and it has become a tradition that does not need our coordination," the VETERANKA co-founder says.
Support and care from an engaged community are fundamental to recovering fighters returning from the front.
"We women must not be afraid to act and support each other," Kateryna tells Rubryka. This issue concerns all women, not only those in the military. The most important thing is for women to support women—support women who join the army because these are our friends and colleagues. Believe in them and their professional capabilities. Do not tell girls from childhood that they can do something and can't do something else. Raise your daughters to be active and proactive."
You can find out more about the European Union's support for civil society and independent media in Ukraine at the link.
The article was prepared with the support of the European Union as part of the "Together We Act. Together We Are Europe" communication campaign. Its content is the sole responsibility of the author and does not necessarily reflect the position of the European Union.
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